Not "if there is probable cause." The statute says process may issue unless there is none. That is how a Massachusetts case begins without an arrest, in a room the public rarely sees.
Asked whether he had gone to Quincy District Court to pull the six missing warrants, the prosecutor answered, "I wish I had." The discovery argument may be the one that actually matters.
A citizen initiative cannot appropriate money. That constitutional bar is why the measure reads the way it does, and why a yes vote is a statement of priority rather than a guarantee of a dollar.
The exemption is not written anywhere as an exemption. It falls out of the definition of a public record in G.L. c. 4, § 7. Question 1 closes that gap, with two carve-outs worth reading closely.
Two vehicles boxed the car in. An agent asked for identification, then opened the driver's door. Their daughters, three and nine, were in the back seat. Most of the legal answers here are not the ones people expect.
All three men tested negative. The Commonwealth used the particle counts inside those negative results to pick the shooter. The SJC set aside every conviction, and he can still be retried.
Dismissal for government misconduct exists in Massachusetts. Dismissal because the investigator held racist views does not, yet. Judge Krupp is being asked to write that rule first.
The defense lost almost everything at the final pretrial conference. The one thing it won was the FBI reading text messages out loud. The biggest ruling is conditional, and its findings come at the close of evidence.
The hate crime statute requires an assault, a battery or property damage before bias matters at all. The statute that actually reaches this conduct lets the victim sue in her own name and collect her attorney fees.
The constitutional objections at the center of the repeal argument have now been tested in court twice, and the law won both times. One challenge is still live at the SJC.
